Opinion: Bringing out the facts

Economy Minister Silvio Schembri needed a district office in his village, Luqa.  So businessman Paul Attard obliged.

Attard changed the plan for a block of apartments, which conveniently accommodated his friend, the minister. Instead of a residential unit at ground level, Attard built office space.  And Minister Schembri was sorted.

Of course, every little favour deserves another.  So when Paul Attard turned his eye on a massive tract of unspoilt land at tal-Qortin in Mellieħa, the Lands Authority, which falls under Schembri’s ministry, conveniently issued a tender for the transfer of those 4,000 square metres of land – and included a clause giving Paul Attard first right of refusal.

Somebody presented a higher bid than Attard, but the minister’s friend still got that land. On it, he’s building a massive 109-apartment block plus garages.

Hundreds of residents filed a parliamentary petition pleading with the minister to stop the land transfer. But Schembri could hardly let his friend down. The land was transferred to Attard on a 50-year perpetual emphyteusis for the meagre sum of €380,000 annually.

But Minister Schembri has many friends and many constituents.  One office in Luqa was hardly enough.  So another friend, Anton Camilleri (tal-Franċiż), conveniently provided Schembri with another office – in Siġġiewi.  Of course, one favour deserves another.

Camilleri had even grander plans than Paul Attard.  He planned to build two massive towers – one 27 storeys and the other 34 floors high – at the site of the historic Villa Rosa in St Julian’s.  He planned to build 800 apartments and 247 hotel rooms taking up 237,000 square metres.

Sadly, he couldn’t because he needed an alley that belonged to the public and led to the property. Miraculously, just days before the last elections, the Lands Authority decided to sell that alley.  Of all the alleys on the island, it had to be that one.

The conditions stipulated in the tender perfectly fit Camilleri’s design. Only one bidder was selected – the minister’s friend, who paid just €134,000 for it located at St George’s Bay.

There was another problem.  The St George’s Bay local plan didn’t allow such monstrous developments.  Camilleri was pretty annoyed that after providing Minister Schembri with his office and spending €134,000, he still couldn’t fulfil his dream.  Since he’d been so nice to the minister it was only fair that something was done about it.

So Prime Minister Robert Abela, who for years insisted that local plans were set in stone and couldn’t be changed, got his cabinet to agree to change the local plans.  The Planning Authority was ordered to start a “partial review” specifically of the St George’s local plan, which will allow Camilleri to build his massive towers.

The Planning Authority’s six-point plan was practically copied and pasted from Camilleri’s plans – almost word for word.

These aren’t coincidences. The NGO, il-Kollettiv, requested the Auditor General (NAO) to investigate the government’s manoeuvres.

Oblivious to the nation’s revulsion for his sleaze, Schembri dug himself deeper. Those activists, he accused, are “either attempting to mislead people or did not know the facts”.

The investigation, he claimed, would confirm that he acted correctly:  “I look forward to the conclusion of these investigations because I have no problem bringing out the facts”.

Nothing could be more ridiculous. The only reason il-Kollettiv asked for the NAO investigation was that Schembri refused to publish correspondence between the Lands Ministry and the developers and their representatives over the highly suspicious deals.

Schembri is notorious for his arrogant refusal to answer questions. By December 2023, Schembri failed to reply to 54 parliamentary questions. That’s hardly bringing out the facts.

When he was asked why an industrial park in Xewkija intended to host SMEs was instead being used by Joseph Portelli and his associates as a storage facility for their private construction business, Schembri failed to reply.

That industrial park was started over a decade ago and remains unfinished.   Portelli now parks his heavy goods vehicles in it.  Schembri wouldn’t say whether legal action was being taken against Portelli.

He failed to notify parliament of direct orders issued by the Malta Gaming Authority to pollster Vince Marmara, lawyer Veronique Dalli and Media Today owner Saviour Balzan.  When Speaker Anglu Farrugia investigated, he concluded that Schembri did not “intentionally” mislead parliament, just unintentionally.

In his enthusiasm to bring out the facts, Schembri’s ministry rejected a Freedom of Information request to publish details of payments to Saviour Balzan and his companies.  When the Data protection commissioner ruled the information had to be released, Schembri’s ministry appealed.  When the Appeals Tribunal confirmed the Commissioner’s decision, Schembri took the case to court – and lost.

Schembri told parliament that a dodgy deal he struck with Alex Mercieca to lease his Żejtun bathroom centre for use by the Malta Business Registry would only cost €8.4 million over 15 years.  But the NAO found that it actually cost €26 million – and another €5 million in refurbishment costs.

Schembri refused to explain the €17 million discrepancy or why he entered into what the NAO called “a prohibitive deal.”

Schembri also refused to explain a mysterious €80,000 loan that appeared on his declaration of assets.  He declined to reveal who loaned him the money, why, or if he was paying any interest.

Schembri refused to answer questions about his offices in Siġġiewi and Luqa.  He wouldn’t say whether they belonged to him.  He refused to say whether he was renting them.

After weeks of questions, he claimed he was renting but failed to provide receipts or contracts for their lease. Those offices co-incidentally were developed by his friends Paul Attard and Anton Camilleri.

Schembri brags he has no problem bringing out the facts. In truth, he’s done everything in his power to conceal it.